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Take the case of the Arunachal governor

Third, the party’s anger at the court mirrors the realisation within it that the verdict had led to an enormous political setback and exposed the China Wholesale Rubber Screw BJP’s claims that it acted according to the Constitution — first in Uttarakhand and now in Arunachal. The BJP has continued the Congress style of wielding political influence in the region by dealing with party units and allies like a franchiser treats franchisees. But when it articulates politically awkward opinions — either by an observation, ruling or verdict — the court is pilloried. The governor acted in a manner not only opposed to a rule of law but also opposed the rule of law. While in Uttarakhand, Harish Rawat has managed to get his government up and running, in Arunachal there’s no certainty if Mr Tuki will be able to rally the numbers behind him.Another perturbing conclusion from the entire sordid episode is that the BJP is no different from the Congress in managing the political affairs of northeastern states on a patron-client model.. For long MLAs in this region have moved lock, stock and barrel from one party to another as the story of “Aaya Ram, Gaya Ram” continued unfettered.

The writer is the author of Narendra Modi: The Man, the Times and Sikhs: The Untold Agony of 1984.” It must be kept in mind that the court did not impute anything, but that it chose to mention this coincidence is not a happy augury and doesn’t provide certification of non-partisanship of the Centre’s nominee while presiding over the affairs of the state.Both in Arunachal and Uttarakhand, the BJP presented incongruous arguments to justify the blatant act of destablising elected governments.Second, the party’s knee-jerk response demonstrated its acute embarrassment at the turn of events mainly as it came close on the heels of the earlier Uttarakhand case, where the BJP had tried to install its government with the help of Congress rebels. Take the case of the Arunachal governor — the court notes “the political posturing in the state of Arunachal Pradesh commenced after the governor — Jyoti Prasad Rajkhowa — assumed charge on June 1, 2015. This party was formed way back in the 1970s but was an insignificant entity in recent years. Clearly, the rent-a-party political model in the Northeast continues with the BJP’s encouragement.

The promise of ushering in greater federalism was just another of its hollow pledges. Barely hours after the Supreme Court had on Wednesday delivered an unprecedented and unanimous (5-0) ruling restoring the status quo as it prevailed on December 15, 2015, in Arunachal Pradesh, one of the BJP’s publicists termed the court’s verdict as vichitra (peculiar). But the two episodes also showed the ease with which the BJP and its government have taken to the path of constitutional impropriety, like earlier governments at the Centre..Later, after these opening remarks, the court ruled: “It is not within the realm of the governor to embroil himself in any political thicket. Take the case in Arunachal: Kalikho Pul and his group of ex-Congress MLAs joined the People’s Party of Arunachal in March, a fortnight after he became the chief minister.. The BJP is driven by Narendra Modi’s political objective of ushering in a “Congress-mukt Bharat”, but using unconstitutional means is deplorable.” When the governor was appointed, eyebrows were raised as he had been a career bureaucrat and that too from neighbouring Assam. In that event, the BJP must order fresh elections to give people a chance to elect another government. Its leadership did not heed the early warning signs and gave the BJP the opening it needed. The Congress too slipped badly when it came to managing its own affairs in these two states.


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